Adopted by the Founding Congress of the
New Communist Party (Organizing Committee)

For release on May 1, 2013

The women’s movement in the United States is in crisis. Many women across the US suffer from deep poverty, sexual violence, and state violence. Drawing from the years of international militant women’s struggles, we understand that only proletarian feminism can lead women toward a world free from the shackles of exploitation and oppression. The women’s struggle is integral to the class struggle, the world proletarian revolution. Women are super-exploited in social production, oppressed in the family, subjected to domestic and state violence, and commodified on the world market.

The condition of women in the US is bound up fully with the basic features of the social economy of US capitalism, such as the massive relocation of industrial production outside of its borders, the feminization of immigration from the semi-colonial countries, and the immense expansion of the consumer and service sectors made possible by the global position of US imperialism. Women constitute an essential component of the proletariat in the US, the large group of people who own nothing and sell their labor power to the capitalist owners of the means of production to survive. They participate outside of the home to a very significant extent in waged work in the fields of social production, circulation, distribution, consumption, and reproduction. Women are a sizable majority of the workers in healthcare support, personal care and service, office and administrative support, sales and related occupations, and food preparation and serving related occupations. They are 22.2% of the workforce in the goods-producing sectors (mining and logging, construction, and manufacturing), constituting 27.4% of the manufacturing workforce alone. Oppressed-nationality women in particular are over-represented in the lower stratum of the industrial proletariat, making up the majority of hand packers and packagers, sewing machine operators, laundry and dry-cleaning workers, and pressers of textile, garment and related materials. Proletarian women are super-exploited, paid lower wages than proletarian men, and suffer from poor working conditions, difficulties obtaining regular waged employment, and the ever-present threat of joblessness.

The patriarchal monogamous family is an institution that oppresses women. Its origins lay in the founding of class society, wherein mother right, meaning descent and kinship traced through the maternal side of ancestry, was overthrown and replaced by father right, meaning descent and kinship traced through the paternal side of ancestry. The purpose of the patriarchal monogamous family was to transmit wealth from generation to generation, along the father’s lineage. In the process of overthrowing mother right and thereafter, women were subjugated to the family and relegated to the private sphere. The private nature of the family keeps women in captivity economically and socially. Although families are generally patriarchal, proletarian and oppressed-nationality families have also been a source of strength in the face of brutal capitalist white-supremacist oppression. So long as the patriarchal family exists, women will remain economically dependent and subordinate to the family unit.

Currently, the family is changing with the feminization of waged labor. Women continue to be unpaid for their domestic reproductive labor. At the same time, increasing masses of women participate in waged labor. There is also an increasing socialization of reproductive labor, as seen in the shift from an economy oriented toward production to one oriented toward services, and more specifically the growth in the numbers of poorly-paid domestic migrant workers. Capitalists and their agents more directly exploit and commodify women’s labor through the internationalization and commercialization of domestic, industrial, and service work, whereas in the past, husbands, fathers, and brothers were more directly the managers of women. This commercialization is true not just for the Third World, but for imperialist countries as well.

Domestic violence, the abuse that takes place in intimate relationships, is a patriarchal tool for control and coercion. The ultimate goal of the abuser, the overwhelming majority of whom are men, is to strip the victim (majority women) of autonomy and independence. The perpetrator seeks to undermine the victim’s ability to break away from him, so he uses emotional, economic, physical, sexual, and familial means to control her. Among abuse survivors, 25 to 50% lose their jobs due to domestic violence, and 35 to 56% are targeted on the job by their partners. Women are already super-exploited for domestic reproductive labor and underpaid for their social labor; this super-exploitation is exacerbated by the economic impact of domestic violence.

Violence against women is not just an interpersonal phenomenon; it is permitted and perpetrated daily by the capitalist state. Through incarceration, abuse at the hands of the police and prison guards, callous mishandling of rape cases, the reactionary restriction of access to abortion, and the slashing of welfare programs, the capitalist state is instrumental in the oppression of women. Men have an incarceration rate nearly fourteen times that of women, but the number of women in prison is growing nearly twice as quickly as men. National oppression plays a major role in this number: black women are incarcerated at a rate three times that of white women. Every day, US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) holds 32,000 immigrants in detention, 10% of whom are women. Since 2007, nearly 200 detainees report sexual abuse, which is a largely underreported number since the Department of Justice has excluded immigration detention facilities from coverage of the Prison Rape Elimination Act and sexual abuse outside of abusive conditions is already underreported. Outside of the prison system, the US criminal justice system perpetuates the epidemic of rape and sexual abuse that women face daily. Over half of all rapes are never reported to the police. Only 12% ever lead to an arrest. Only 3% of rapists will spend any time in prison. A full 97% of rapists escape incarceration. Since Roe v. Wade supposedly guaranteed women the legal right to abortions in 1973, a constant, backwards, and increasingly successful war has been waged to restrict and even abolish access to abortions. Forty nine out of fifty states (all but Oregon) now have legal restrictions on abortion that go past the standard established by Roe v. Wade.

Women today are commodified, or turned into objects for sale, in the advertising, service, and sex industries. But the most brutal and direct form of commodification is in the sex industry. It is estimated that there are 23 prostituted women out of every 100,000 people in the United States forced into prostitution as their main source of income. Women in prostitution suffer from wartime trauma symptoms caused by acts of violence against them. Of all prostituted women, 75 to 95% were sexually abused as children. Many prostituted women are high school dropouts, come from poor and abusive homes, move from place to place, and suffer from alcoholism and drug addiction. Prostituted women, even those who enter the trade voluntarily, are driven into the occupation by poverty, addiction, and abusive histories, especially child abuse, prior sex trafficking, sexual abuse, and domestic violence. Women in prostitution have a mortality rate 40 times higher than the US national average. Clearly, prostitution oppresses women.

We call upon revolutionary-minded women to begin constructing women’s local organizing groups, based on proletarian feminism, to study, agitate, organize, and mobilize to struggle against capitalism and patriarchy. We call upon communists of all genders to politicize the masses of women along the line of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and develop the fullest participation and leadership by women in the struggles of the proletariat and the oppressed masses. We call upon communists who have made patriarchal errors in their lives to carry out honest accounting, self-criticism, and rectification of their mistakes.

Women are especially exploited and oppressed around the globe and in the US. Proletarian women face conditions of super-exploitation, unpaid reproductive work, commodification including prostitution and sex trafficking, sexual/gendered violence such as sexual harassment, rape, and murder, gender inequality and discrimination, oppression within the patriarchal family, and control over their reproduction by their oppressors. The enemy of women is the entire capitalist system. The people must struggle against men of all classes who oppress women. Women of the exploited and oppressed classes must be politicized and organized into a proletarian feminist movement. A revolutionary movement of women must emerge to play a decisive role in the struggles of the proletariat and the oppressed masses, and these struggles must make themselves into indomitable weapons for women’s emancipation.

Adopted by the Founding Congress of the
New Communist Party (Organizing Committee)

For release on May 1, 2013

The struggle for the civil rights of queer people has, in the last ten years, become the most visible part of the progressive and democratic movement in the United States. The queer struggle has in the main focused on same-sex marriage. The reactionary ban of same-sex marriages has been broken in nine states, Connecticut, Iowa, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, New York, Vermont, and Washington. With additional legal victories against workplace discrimination and Don’t Ask Don’t Tell, it has become obvious even to the most regressive elements of US society that this progressive tide will continue to seize serious ground at both a state and federal level.

However, the leadership at the helm of the struggle for queer civil rights has betrayed the queer masses. With depoliticized and toothless gay “pride” parades sponsored by anti-people corporations, the poisonous racist scapegoating that followed the passing of Proposition 8 in California, and the wholesale abandonment of transgender issues, gay and lesbian NGOs like the Human Rights Campaign have shown their hand; they are not fighting for queer people at large, but are instead motivated by bourgeois class aspirations and ideology. The queer struggle has been hijacked; it serves to complete the bourgeoisification of the upper strata of gay, lesbian, and bisexual people.

The 1st Congress of the NCP (OC) recognizes that the democratic and progressive struggle for the rights of queer people must be fully carried out. It strongly opposes state and individual violence against queer people, anti-queer policies in the workplace, and the continued denial of basic democratic rights on the basis of sexual orientation or gender. It demands that same-sex marriages be legalized on a national level and that state bans of same-sex marriage be overturned, that all anti-queer discrimination in the workplace be harshly penalized and corrected, that reactionary, religious organizations that disallow queer families to adopt be dissolved and replaced, that psychiatric stigmatization of transgender peoples be ended, that full and free access to sexual reassignment surgery and transitional drugs and treatments be granted to transgender peoples, and that the targeting of queer peoples by the police be ceased immediately.

The 1st Congress of the NCP (OC) recognizes that to see the total eradication of anti-queer policies and practice, socialist revolution must sweep away the foundations of class society. To that end, the 1st Congress vows to unify queer struggle with proletarian struggle, delegitimize the bourgeois traitors in the Human Rights Campaign and other LGB NGOs, and to organize the masses in the struggle against the capitalist State.

Adopted by the Founding Congress of the
New Communist Party (Organizing Committee)

For release on May 1, 2013

The text below is a brief summary of our organizational line on the current global conjuncture and by extension a basis for the formulation of our strategic perspective in the years ahead. Fundamentally, it is clear that the dynamics of the world imperialist system are creating the objective conditions for global revolutionary power seizure by the proletariat.

The matter in question is the development of the subjective forces of the World Proletarian Revolution. We hope this text can contribute to the process of organization of a proletarian vanguard in the United States through the coalescence of the dispersed advanced elements of the class into a revolutionary party that is capable of diffusing communist politics practically among the masses, and organizing and directing the people’s hate against imperialism, revisionism and all reaction.

Central Committee, NCP (OC)
May 1, 2013

Global Situation: Globally, the principal contradiction remains more than ever that between imperialism and the oppressed nations and peoples. The competing blocs of imperialist monopoly capital and the entire social formations of the imperialist countries feed off the super-exploitation and continuing dispossession of the proletariat and the popular masses in the semi-colonial countries. The global dichotomy between the imperialist and semi-colonial countries is reproduced inside the imperialist countries by the super-exploitation of immigrant workers. The imperialist countries also contain oppressed nations and nationalities within them. The following general tendencies are observable in the development of the imperialist system:

-Over-production of capital: The pace of accumulation of capital exceeds any outlet in production resulting in a bloated financial sector and a tendency towards speculative bubbles as the only viable engine of “economic growth”.

-Escalating plunder of the semi-colonial countries: More and more material production is being relocated to the oppressed countries, where the people are increasingly proletarianized, resulting in a massive new source of value transfer to the imperialist countries and their monopolies, while fueling the growth of the FIRE (Finance, Insurance, and Real Estate) and service sectors in the imperialist societies.

-Massive development of capitalist production and escalating proletarianization in the semi-colonial countries: Dispossession of small producers, agrarian ruin, and the accumulation of massive reserve armies of labor in the urban centers is the rule of development in the oppressed countries, leaving semi-feudal relations ever more thoroughly subordinated to comprador capitalist economies locked in dependence upon the imperialist world market.

-Development of new expansionist powers and poles of accumulation: US imperialism remains the main enemy of the world’s people. It is in growing contention with the imperialist countries of Western Europe and Japan. At the same time, the monopoly bourgeoisie of Russia and China increasingly assert themselves as imperialist powers in their own right, while continuing to provide cheap labor and raw materials within the global market. Regional expansionist powers such as India extend their influence. The response of US imperialism to this “rebalancing” raises the possibility of a Third World War and motivates its aggression throughout the world.

-Tendency towards expulsion of living labor from the production process: Technological advances rendering living labor increasingly unnecessary, not only in production but also in circulation and reproduction, make a long term reduction in the total employed labor force inevitable, at the same time as subsistence producers continue to be dispossessed by ongoing primitive accumulation.

-Capitalist production encountering its limitations in the biosphere and geosphere: Climate change, mass extinction, and soil degradation are only a few examples of the way in which the irrational imperatives of capitalist production come into contradiction with the maintenance of an environment suited to the stable reproduction of human society. These tendencies will serve to exponentially compound already explosive social contradictions in the coming decades.

-Termination of the social-democratic compacts between capital and labor in the imperialist countries: The 2008 financial crisis only served to further develop the decades-long breakdown of the social-democratic compacts between the imperialist bourgeoisie and sections of the working class in the imperialist countries, through slashing of the social wage and the restructuring of production

Regional Situations: In Africa, contention develops between US imperialism with its drive towards military domination of the continent and China’s search for raw materials. Spontaneous movements of the proletariat and the popular masses erupt continually from South Africa and Uganda to Sudan and Kenya to Nigeria and Ghana against super-exploitation in production, land seizure by foreign capital, and the marginalization of urban masses in the “informal sector”.

In the Arab countries and West Asia, the Arab Spring shocked the reactionary regimes of the comprador bureaucrat bourgeoisie, but in the absence of proletarian leadership, its momentum was seized upon by US-NATO imperialism and Islamist reaction to wage wars of aggression first in Libya and now Syria in pursuit of the US regional agenda of sectarian balkanization. US imperialism and Zionism continue their aggressive maneuvers against the Iranian people, who also face the clerical bureaucrat capitalist regime. US aggression continues against the people of Afghanistan and Iraq as well. The workers’ movement advances to a high point of economic struggle in Egypt, while the national resistance struggles in Palestine, Kurdistan and Western Sahara remain a great source of explosive social material.

In Europe, the southern half of the continent is pushed to near semi-colonial status by massive austerity, leading to strike waves, riots and disorganized elements of armed struggle, while in the north, the rollback of the “social state” continues. Fascist currents take advantage of the weaknesses of the proletarian movement to make gains among the masses.

In South Asia, a true “weak link” of imperialism, where capitalist development coexists with the most backwards semi-feudal relations, People’s War under the leadership of the CPI (Maoist) advances and develops in India and armed Red Power is organized in rural districts across a broad swath of the country. In Nepal, after ten glorious years of People’s War, the parliamentary betrayal after the Comprehensive Peace Agreement is finally being challenged by the CPN-Maoist. In Bangladesh, the garment workers have led extremely fierce struggles in recent years, while the communist movement remains weak and factionalized.

In China, there have been great waves of worker and peasant struggles over wages and land tenure, but the task remains the organization of a revolutionary Maoist party to struggle for state power against the revisionist bourgeoisie.

In Southeast Asia, the National Democratic movement continues to advance its position in the Philippines, while the workers and peasants develop strike movements and wage militant struggles against eviction in Indonesia, Cambodia, Myanmar and Vietnam.

In Latin America, the mass resistance against US imperialism over the past decade has been led onto the electoral road under bourgeois leadership, e.g. “21st-century socialism,” and resulted in new regional alignments of capital oriented to Russian and Chinese imperialism, while Brazil has further asserted its expansionist position.

All in all, with the exception of a few semi-colonial countries where proletarian parties are leading the popular masses in struggle for New Democratic Revolution, the upsurge of the masses at best is appropriated by elements of the national bourgeoisie (destined to play its part in inter-imperialist contention) and at worst by fascist reaction. The objective conditions demand the reconstruction of the international communist movement on the new basis of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as formulated in the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution and further developed in the People’s Wars around the world.

Domestic Situation: The proletariat and the oppressed masses in the United States have not yet recovered from the decisive defeat of the 1960s-1970s wave of class and nationality struggles. The New Communist Movement, unable to produce a genuine proletarian revolutionary party or at least set the course for the construction of such a party, was co-opted into the left-wing of the state apparatus and dissolved into today’s brokers of capital in Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs). Fragments of the New Communist Movement also ended up in self-marginalization, as a result of their lack of a mass line practice. Other leading elements of the nationality struggles, as well as groups of anti-imperialist guerrillas, without a clear guiding theory, proletarian party, political strategy for revolution, practice of mass line, and military strategy for People’s War were separated from the masses and easily smashed by the state, leaving in their wake only a scattering of prisoner support committees.

US society has been comprehensively restructured for preventive counterinsurgency against the internal oppressed nations, on the one hand through the unprecedented level of genocidal mass imprisonment of oppressed nationalities and the thorough militarization of the police, and on the other hand, multiculturalism, identity-based electoral politics, “affirmative action” policies, and most recently “America’s first black president”. Resistance at the point of production has been shattered with the restructuring of production and deindustrialization. The National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) union bureaucrats “represent” only a small proportion of workers. Since the 1980s, white right-wing populism has been a more dynamic force of antagonism against the imperialist state and its neocolonial restructuring than the marginal and isolated proletarian left.

What is called the “left” today is dominated by the NGO system and its role as a bulwark of soft counterinsurgency in the mass movements and in petty-bourgeois anarchist counterculture. There is no objective base for the “regroupment” of the left today. Because quite simply, there is very little to regroup. The class struggle in the US develops at the level of sporadic and spontaneous mass action, including prison hunger strikes, high school walkouts, the brief upsurge of the immigrant rights movement, and the rise and decline of the Occupy movement; the latter developing largely as a manifestation of the discontent of petty-bourgeois youth pushed down by the crisis. What we do see however is the existence of objective conditions for developing revolutionary politics and building revolutionary organizations among the masses. These conditions include worsening living and working conditions for the proletariat, genocidal state assault against the internal oppressed nations, and the impending intensification of austerity.

Though the relatively large size of the labor aristocracy and petty bourgeoisie is indicative of the parasitic character of US society in general, there exists a lower proletarian stratum numbering in the many tens of millions, the core of which is derived from the internal oppressed nations and nationalities and immigrants from the oppressed countries, as well as substantial semi-proletarian strata involved in part-time waged employment, casual labor, and petty self-employment. This is the social base for the development of a protracted struggle in this country as a part of the World Proletarian Revolution, a base which during periods of acute crisis will be able to organize many intermediate strata into a United Front against the US imperialist bourgeoisie.